IT would be easy to assume, from most reports this week, that secretary of state James Brokenshire included £50 million from the DUP-Tory deal in the Stormont budget he passed at Westminster. He even allocated it to health and education.
Yet the £50m is most definitely not in the budget, as Brokenshire assured the Commons three times in the mere 110 words of his speech devoted to it.
Furthermore, the "Northern Ireland administration" must confirm it wants the money.
This is a beautifully calibrated turning of the screws on both Sinn Féin and the DUP.
Republicans have no choice but to accept a budget they claimed was "unacceptable", and bite their tongues over apparent delivery on the DUP-Tory deal, unless they want the blame for health and education problems.
The DUP has to pretend the deal is delivering despite getting just 2 per cent of their £1 billion, with even that still conditional on a deal with Sinn Féin, although 50 per cent of it is meant to be spent by next March.
The DUP's bluff to bring down the British government by Christmas has been well and truly called.
**
As the RHI inquiry continues to hear extraordinary allegations of Stormont ineptitude, questions are being asked about what this means for devolution.
If the alternative is direct rule, the answer should be - not much.
During the five years of direct rule between 2002 and 2007, investigations by the Audit Office and Westminster's Public Accounts Committee regularly uncovered comparable idiocy costing comparable sums.
The Department of Employment and Learning's Jobskills programme, for example, was found to have blown close to £500 million due to "incredible" failures dating back to the 1990s - that is, to the previous period of direct rule.
However, this scandal became so detailed and dragged on for so long that public eyes glazed over and everyone involved got away in the smoke.
Why will RHI be any different?
**
The DUP's 10 MPs are increasingly driving the party - apart from Ian Paisley, whose increasingly entertaining media appearances suggest he has been locked in the boot.
DUP deputy leader Nigel Dodds is in effect the deputy prime minister.
Nevertheless, when Theresa May phoned party leaders last weekend to discuss the Stormont deadlock, she spoke solely and directly to Arlene Foster.
Contrast this with May's call to Sinn Féin, which involved speaking to Gerry Adams, Mary Lou McDonald and Michelle O'Neill - all in New York on a publicity trip.
It is hardly surprising that O'Neill was not allowed to take the call on he own but out of Adams and McDonald, who now thinks they are keeping an eye on the other?
**
Sinn Féin is to address a number of recent bullying rows inside the party, by debating its membership rules at this weekend's ard fheis.
A single motion calls for "an urgent review (into) the current membership policies including recruitment, education and retention of new members".
The review should consider "staged membership or associate membership" and "probationary periods".
This sounds more like an attempt to stop potential victims joining that to make bullies leave.
Perhaps an army-style recruitment slogan would help: 'Are you tough enough to join Sinn Féin?'
**
The UUP has raised the issue of sign language, the missing aspect in Stormont's language debate.
This is not just a jibe at an Irish language act, although the UUP could not resist claiming a sign language act is more important.
Official recognition of the several sign languages used in Northern Ireland was first proposed by direct rule ministers in 2004.
In 2015 and 2016, Sinn Féin culture minister Carál ní Chuilín consulted on putting a sign language framework in legislation, making many mentions of rights and protections.
This was just after she had drafted the Irish language bill that Sinn Féin has now put back on the Stormont table.
So sign language would fit very neatly into current negotiations - if only deaf people did not come from both sides of the community.
**
There has been much comment on figures released by the Electoral Commission showing the Conservatives spent more than any other party except Sinn Féin in June's Westminster election, despite fielding only seven candidates - and getting just 0.5 per cent of the votes.
However, the very low figures for all parties - from £28,196 for Sinn Féin down to zero for the TUV and People Before Profit - should give the game away.
Party election spending is meaningless. Most spending is by candidates, who report their figures separately.
They also have separate disclosure requirements for donations.
Last year, investigative website The Detail discovered donor secrecy does not apply to these disclosures, enabling it to uncover figures for the 2015 Westminster election.
The average spending by successful candidates was just over £10,000 each.
**
Schools have said a change to minibus licensing regulations could mean the end of school sports and day trips, PE kits, permission slips, notes home every few days demanding more money and constant interruptions to actual teaching.
There may also be a downside.
newton@irishnews.com
