Seven months have passed since the Stormont institutions were restored. After two years of dormancy as a result of the DUP’s protocol-related boycott, devolution returned amid numerous pledges to ensure effective regional government.
The approach advocated was simple – let politicians elected in Northern Ireland make the decisions that affect the region, while enabling them be accountable for those decisions.
In the time since February’s welcome return of the institutions not a great deal has happened. There’s still no programme for government, despite First Minister Michelle O’Neill’s assurances in April that it would be ready “for summer”. The general election stalled the process but no sooner was it out of the way than the executive seemingly wound down its business to coincide with the assembly recess.
It’s possible the long-awaited policy plan will be agreed at an (as yet unpublicised) executive meeting on Thursday but don’t hold your breath.
This apparent inertia contrasts sharply with the flurry of activity ahead of institutions’ restoration. Cast your mind back to the discussions about finances with the secretary of state at Hillsborough Castle and the scores of meetings the prospective executive parties had with the Jayne Brady, head of the regional civil service.
We were told the latter was to enable the new administration to ‘hit the ground running’, when in reality they appear to have immediately fallen flat.
There’s also a distinct reluctance on the part of some ministers to make themselves available for media scrutiny and to demonstrate collective responsibility for executive decisions.
We’ve seen this over recent weeks in relation to the Lough Neagh action plan and the decision to extend the ban on puberty blockers to the north, the latter signed off last month by the first and deputy first ministers by way of urgent procedure.
More glaring still is the manner in which the cut in the winter fuel payment has been handled. The decision itself may have been forced on the executive as a result of central government action but the manner in which it first dithered then left an announcement to the very last minute, late on Friday afternoon, suggests the tactic was an attempt to bury bad news.
And again there was no collective responsibility for falling into line with London. As with Lough Neagh, when it was left to Agriculture and Environment Minister Andrew Muir alone to state his case, or Health Minister Mike Nesbitt on the puberty blockers ban, Stormont’s joint leaders Michelle O’Neill and Emma Little-Pengelly have been conspicuously absent from the broadcast media.
They seem to have concluded that even the feel good photo opps have limited appeal and will ultimately leave them both vulnerable to accusations that there is no substance to the executive’s latest incarnation, despite the smiles and selfies.
In functioning democracies, ministers make themselves available to the media to answer questions about policy decisions.
The First Minister and deputy First Minister joined guests in the Long Gallery at Parliament Buildings for the launch of the fourth cohort of the @CDPB_NI Fellowship Programme for political and civic leaders. Speaking at the event, the Ministers shared their experiences of… pic.twitter.com/TbcqEoRJgE
— NI Executive (@niexecutive) September 3, 2024
The Stormont executive is, of course, ultimately accountable to the electorate but our leaders need to realise that they are answerable to the wider public – not just to those who vote for them.
On Tuesday, our joint leaders were having their PR picture taken at a Centre for Democracy and Peace event at Stormont. An accompanying tweet from the NI Executive’s account said....”the ministers shared their experiences of leadership and stressed the importance of upholding the values and principles of democracy...”.
Carlsberg don’t do irony, but if they did...
