Last Wednesday I went along to Matthew O’Toole’s event on a New Ireland at Queen's University Belfast.
The arguments from those of who support a New Ireland are well known and rehearsed at this stage. O’Toole put forward some of the important principles that need to be focused on such as reconciliation and building something that can bring the people together.
However, an interesting exchange with a pro-union member of the audience about the lack of meat on the bones of this idea got me thinking about the strategy that is needed going forward – and that is, are we doing a good enough job of selling the Irish Republic as it is?
A New Ireland is an abstract concept. All of us will put our own spin on it, which is a strength in pulling together this loose coalition of interests who want it.
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This is also a weakness as those who are on the fence about the concept struggle to visualise the end destination and whilst nobody would argue that the Irish Republic of 2023 is what we will exactly have post a referendum, there are many underlying strengths and some overstated weaknesses that we could and should be talking about in the years ahead.
Let’s start with housing. Does the Irish Republic have a housing crisis? Yes, it would be disingenuous for anyone to argue it does not.
Is it the only western country that does? No, it isn’t. You could be forgiven for thinking that it is though. Canada, New Zealand and Australia have all seen their national government wrestle with this very same problem in recent months.
In fact, some of the main cities in the countries I have just mentioned have average house prices above what exists in the Irish Republic. This is cold comfort to those trying to buy, nor am I arguing for a passive approach, but this is an important context to put on the debate.
Then we move onto the social welfare system. Something that unionism has done an excellent job of is promoting the safety net provided on a national basis in the United Kingdom. Yet when you look at the actual rates of support given in Dublin and London, there is quite a difference that doesn’t paint the UK in the best light.
Take the state pension. The Irish Republic currently has a rate of €265.30 per week; in contrast, north of the border it’s £203.85 per week. Likewise, the rates of unemployment assistance are much higher in the Irish Republic.
Another key issue seen as kryptonite from the New Ireland movement is healthcare. We often hear about the great National Health Service that is the jewel in the crown of the British state. Lauded in Northern Ireland as a key selling point to remain within the union.
Yet when an ESRI study examined the healthcare systems in both jurisdictions it found that in some areas the Irish Republic is actually outperforming Northern Ireland in areas such as life expectancy.
All these facts are important in not just how the New Ireland movement campaigns but also how it frames its narrative.
It’s very easy to buy into British norms that argue some of the points I have listed above – that the NHS is something we cannot do without or that we need some form of assistance for pensions from the UK in a New Ireland. This is not the case.
It is right that we are honest with people that constitutional change will not solve every problem and that there will be challenges in our society. Recessions will happen, there will still be crime and issues with some public services.
Let’s not lose sight of the fact that the Irish Republic of 2023 has many strengths to its credit. Over the past century, a strong foundation has been built and the success of the Republic has shown that this island can thrive outside of the UK.
We need to sell the success, be realistic about the problems and spell out what can be done differently in a 32-county context.
