Sinn Féin president Mary Lou McDonald has suggested that Stormont could be abolished in a united Ireland in order to avoid “duplication for the sake of it”. The comments sparked debate over an integrated or devolved Ireland, but considering Stormont’s record of failure, with over a decade of political stasis in its 25-year-history, why would we want to keep it?
The power-sharing structures established under the Good Friday Agreement have had limited success, with the north enduring the seventh governmental collapse since 1999. This lack of accountable local governance is evidenced across the public sector – the cumulative impact of a buckling healthcare service, an underfunded education sector, and deteriorating regional infrastructure and investment last week spurred the most significant day of action in a generation. Stormont fails its innate duty to Northern Ireland, so why would it perform any better in a united Ireland?
Ireland’s political structures, whilst certainly more sustainable than the north’s, are not all sunlit uplands; Ireland has one of the most centralised governments in Europe – it is no coincidence that the further away from Dublin you get, the less investment, and in turn opportunities, you see in communities.
Efforts to strengthen the powers afforded to local government and measures to create civil service hubs outside of Dublin have been undertaken but were ultimately unsuccessful. The political system in Ireland has also proved ineffective at delivering meaningful change in a raft of areas, from housing rights to bringing forward the 2014 Manning report recommendations on Seanad reform. One can therefore understand concerns around a united Ireland which simply endows yet more power to an overly centralised Dublin government.
Recent polling from ARINS, a joint project of the Royal Irish Academy and the University of Notre Dame, indicates a divide north and south on governance models, with a majority in the Republic of Ireland favouring a unified state while northern respondents were more favourable toward retaining the Assembly and Executive.
However, governance in a united Ireland need not be limited to either the perpetuation of Stormont or the continuation of the current political system in the Republic of Ireland; a new Ireland presents us with the opportunity to reimagine the sociopolitical fabric of this island to better reflect the evolving aspirations of those who share it.
You do not need to reinvent the wheel in order to decentralise power from Dublin and create meaningful local government, there are any number of global examples and models to learn from.
Let’s seize the opportunity to create a more effective, accountable, and representative form of political governance that brings politics and power closer to people in their communities. Northern Ireland can benefit from the support of local government in a united Ireland without being tied to the withering carcass of Stormont
For example, Denmark, with a comparative population size of 5.9 million, has a two-tier local government system with 98 municipalities that maintain significant autonomy. Municipalities derive their income from local taxes, central government grants and service fees, and hold a considerable degree of power over decision-making, priorities and finances. At a local level, municipalities or councils are responsible for basic welfare services as well as specialised social services including environmental and healthcare protection.
In Switzerland, a three-tiered federal system alongside direct democracy has fostered one the most stable governments in the world. At a federal level is the two-chamber Federal Assembly, while more regionally there are 26 cantons, each of which have their own constitution, legislature, government and courts. Locally, there are 2,300 communes, around a fifth of which have their own parliaments. Switzerland is a referendum country and gives considerable power to citizens. Any citizen can challenge a law, and with 50,000 signatures in a selected timeframe, they can force a national vote. The Swiss model is unique, and whilst the country has a larger population size than Ireland, at 8.7 million, it is no doubt an interesting case study to consult when laying the groundwork for reunification.
There are several other models worth examining, including Finland’s approach to local government which includes 313 independent municipalities, six regional state administrative agencies and 15 centres for economic development, transport, and the environment. The key takeaway here is that we should not limit our ambitions; constitutional change will significantly disrupt the political status quo north and south. Let’s seize the opportunity to create a more effective, accountable, and representative form of political governance that brings politics and power closer to people in their communities. Northern Ireland can benefit from the support of local government in a united Ireland without being tied to the withering carcass of Stormont.
For many, Stormont – and politics more broadly – is associated with failure, stagnation, and the past. Maintaining the current Assembly and Executive structures will not only fail to re-engage disenfranchised voters, but it will form a wedge for continued separation, dissention and instability. Don’t we deserve something greater than an undead facsimile of what was promised in 1998?
I, for one, would like to see empowered local government across the 32 counties with tax revenue-raising powers and autonomy on key decision-making, in tandem with the creation of four province-wide state administrative bodies in Ulster, Connacht, Leinster and Munster. Alongside independent bodies for key areas including transport and the environment, full-scale Seanad reform, with the upper house moved to Belfast or Derry, and large-scale electoral reforms.
In a united Ireland there are more than two options on the table; what is missing is the necessary space and opportunity for society at large to be able to consider them.